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2 december 1823
The Monroe Doctrine
was expressed during President Monroe's seventh annual message to
Congress, December 2, 1823:
At the proposal of
the Russian Imperial Government, made through the minister of the
Emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been
transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg
to arrange by amicable negotiation the respective rights and
interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this
continent. A similar proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty
to the Government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded
to. The Government of the United States has been desirous by this
friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they have
invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and their
solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his Government.
In the discussions to which this interest has given rise and in the
arrangements by which they may terminate the occasion has been
judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and
interests of the United States are involved, that the American
continents, by the free and independent condition which they have
assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as
subjects for future colonization by any European powers. . .
It was stated at
the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then
making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people
of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with
extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the
results have been so far very different from what was then
anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we
have so much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we
have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of
the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of
the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the
Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to
themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with
our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or
seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for
our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of
necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be
obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political
system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect
from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our
own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and
treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened
citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this
whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the
amicable relations existing between the United States and those
powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part
to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as
dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or
dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall
not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their
independence and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on
great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could
not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or
controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power
in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly
disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new
Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of
their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue
to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgement of
the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a
corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable
to their security.
The late events in
Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still unsettled. Of this
important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied
powers should have thought it proper, on any principle satisfactory
to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns
of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the
same principle, is a question in which all independent powers whose
governments differ from theirs are interested, even those most
remote, and surely none of them more so than the United States. Our
policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of
the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe,
nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the
internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government
de facto as the legitimate government for us; to cultivate friendly
relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm,
and manly policy, meeting in all instances the just claims of every
power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to those
continents circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different.
It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their
political system to any portion of either continent without
endangering our peace and happiness; nor can anyone believe that our
southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their
own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should
behold such interposition in any form with indifference. If we look
to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new
Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious
that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the
United States to leave the parties to themselves, in hope that other
powers will pursue the same course. . . .
  
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