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7
juli 1862
McClellan's
Letter to Lincoln on His Evacuation from the Penninsula Campaign
Headquarters, Army of the Potomac,
Camp near Harrison's Landing, Va.,
July 7, 1862.
Mr.
President:
You
have been fully informed that [the] rebel army is in [our] front,
with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our positions or
reducing us by blocking our river communications. I cannot but
regard our condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of
possible contingencies, to lay before your excellency, for your
private consideration, my general views concerning the existing
state of the rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the
situation of this army or strictly come within the scope of my
official duties. These views amount to convictions, and are deeply
impressed upon my mind and heart. Our cause must never be abandoned;
it is the cause of free institutions and self-government. The
Constitution and the Union must be preserved, whatever may be the
cost in time, treasure, and blood. If secession is successful other
dissolutions are clearly to be seen in the future. Let neither
military disaster, political faction, nor foreign war shake your
settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of the laws of the
United States upon the people of every state.
The
time has come when the government must determine upon a civil and
military policy covering the whole ground of our national trouble.
The
responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such civil
and military policy, and of directing the whole course of national
affairs in regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and
exercised by you, or our cause will be lost. The Constitution gives
you power sufficient even for the present terrible exigency.
This
rebellion has assumed the character of war; as such it should be
regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest principles
known to Christian civilization. It should not be a war looking to
the subjugation of the people of any State in any event. It should
not be at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and
political organization. Neither confiscation of property, political
executions of persons, territorial organization of States, or
forcible abolition of slavery should be contemplated for a moment.
In prosecuting the war all private property and unarmed persons
should be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of
military operations. All private property taken for military use
should be paid or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated
as high crimes; all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited, and
offensive demeanor by the military towards citizens promptly rebuked.
Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places where
active hostilities exist, and oaths not required by enactments
constitutionally made should be neither demanded nor received.
Military government should be confined to the preservation of public
order and the protection of political rights. Military power should
not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either
by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for
repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slave contraband under the
act of Congress, seeking military protection, should receive it. The
right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own
service claims to slave labor should be asserted, and the right of
the owner to compensation therefor should be recognized.
This
principle might be extended, upon grounds of military necessity and
security, to all the slaves within a particular State, thus working
manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western
Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such
a measure is only a question of time.
A
system of policy thus constitutional and conservative, and pervaded
by the influences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the
support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the
rebel masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped
that it would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty.
Unless
the principles governing the future conduct of our struggle shall be
made known and approved, the effort to obtain requisite forces will
be almost hopeless. A declaration of radical views, especially upon
slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present armies. The policy of
the government must be supported by concentration of military power.
The national forces should not be dispersed in expeditions, posts of
occupation, and numerous armies, but should be mainly collected into
masses and brought to bear upon the armies of the Confederate States.
Those armies thoroughly defeated, the political structure which they
support would soon cease to exist.
In
carrying out any system of policy which you may form you will
require a commander-in-chief of the army, one who possesses your
confidence, understands your views and who is competent to execute
your orders by directing the military forces of the nation to the
accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do not ask that
place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such position as you
may assign me, and I will do as faithfully as ever subordinate
served superior.
I
may be on the brink of eternity; and as I hope forgiveness from my
Master, I have written this letter with sincerity towards you and
from love of my country.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
Geo. B. McClellan,
Maj.-Gen. Commanding.
  
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